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Iraq: Countries
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Iraq's judicial branch is independent, and is under no authority but that of the law. The federal judicial authority is comprised of the Higher Judicial Council, Federal Supreme Court, Court of Cassation, Public Prosecution Department, Judiciary Oversight Commission, and other federal courts. The Higher Judicial Council supervises the affairs of the federal judiciary. The Federal Supreme Court is the highest court in the country, and the final authority on legal decisions. The establishment of the federal courts, their types, and methods for judicial appointments will be set forth by laws enacted by the Council of Representatives.
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Iraq is a signatory to thirty-two bilateral, and nine multilateral agreements within the Arab League arrangements on Investments Promotion and Protection (IPPA). Some of the bilateral agreements with other countries include Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Iran, Japan, Jordan, Kuwait, Mauritania, Republic of Korea, Sri Lanka, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, the United Kingdom, Vietnam and Yemen. These agreements include general provisions on promoting and protecting investments, including clauses on profit repatriation, access to arbitration and dispute settlements, fair expropriation rules and compensation for losses. Most IPPA contain Most-Favored National (MFN) clauses, as well as a national treatment clause.
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In the 1970s Iraq nationalized its oil industry. As the price of crude oil went up, the government invested a lot of money in improving the infrastructure of the country, its education system, and social services. The Kurdish revolt reached its peak in the mid-1970s due to the support it had received from Iran, Israel, and the United States. These countries viewed Iraq as a threat. During this period, Iraq advocated Arab nationalism, adopted anti-imperialism policies, and allied itself more with Soviet Union. Also, Iraq adopted a policy against the so-called reactionary regimes of the Gulf who were allies of the United States.
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Iraq's use of poison gas against the Kurds prompted President Reagan in a September l988 speech before the U.N. General Assembly to call for an international conference on chemical weapons. French President Mitterand, who went so far as to propose an international embargo on weapons sales to any country using poison gas, immediately picked up the Reagan proposal, and it was agreed that France would host the conference. It quickly became apparent... that neither the United States nor France intended to use the conference to condemn or even censure Iraq. Instead, the French decided and the United States agreed that the conference would aim for an international consensus in principle against chemical warfare and for the strengthening of the l925 Geneva Protocol barring the use of chemical weapons.
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A federal approach does not imply a change in borders; Iraq is likely to retain something like its current shape: a north dominated by Kurds, a middle dominated by Sunnis, and the Shi‘i in the south. But the Kurds will have to have a special status—an autonomous region in the north. This will be a normal development given that the Kurds have been autonomous for the last ten years. As for the prospect of the country's being divided into Shi‘i and Sunni states: this is hard to imagine given how much the two populations are intermixed. But respect for regional autonomy on a federal basis will help the Iraqis in different areas—experience, respect, and equality. To have local elections for local councils, a regional house of representatives in each part of Iraq that reflects regional needs and aspirations, will help Iraq move from the present failed experiment.
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Iraq has been highly dependent on foreign economic aid in recent years, from both Western and Arab countries. The country ... has a severe labor shortage. The Baghdad Railway, long an important means of communication, is declining in importance in favor of travel by road and air. There are international airports at Baghdad and Basra, and a state-owned airline operates within Iraq and abroad.
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