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Globalization
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Globalization, in other words, is a dynamic process of both mass global change and local differentiation. In dietary terms, this can be articulated as "dietary convergence" and "dietary adaptation"; each, in a seemingly contradictory unity, are part and parcel of the nutrition transition [3]. According to Kennedy, Nantel and Shetty [3], dietary convergence is "increased reliance on a narrow base of staple grains, increased consumption of meat and meat products, dairy products, edible oil, salt and sugar, and a lower intake of dietary fibre" (p.9). Indeed, analysis by the Food and Agriculture Organization suggests that diets in countries more integrated into the world economy are converging in terms of primary commodities [6]. On the other hand, dietary adaptation is "increased consumption of brand-name processed and store-bought food, an increased number of meals eaten outside the home and consumer behaviours driven by the appeal of new foods available" (p.9). Convergence, the authors argue, is driven mainly by income and price.
Globalization is at the heart of any understanding of broad processes of social change taking place in disparate locales around the world. After September 11, 2001, some observers announced the end of globalization (Rugman 2001; Gray 2002). While globalization, especially when narrowly defined as free markets and free capital flows, has generated doubts (Sen 2000), it may be premature to dismiss its relevance for judicious social science, education, and policy work. First, it remains the case that the major predicaments of the future will not likely be contained within the boundaries and paradigms of the twentieth-century nation-state. The case of SARS forcefully illustrates this dynamic. Within a few months of its original appearance (probably in Guangdong Province in coastal China some time toward the end of 2002), it became a worldwide health threat with serious economic, social, and political consequences not only in Guangdong but ... in Beijing and in places as far away as Canada and Chinese diasporas throughout the world.7
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Globalization has many detractors, who claim that global capital privileges profit over local interests and deplore the ‘Westernization’ of local cultures and what they see as the negation of local identities and autonomies. Others suggest that globalization is a dialectical process; although it invades local contexts of action, it doesn't destroy them. Instead, new forms of local existence and expression emerge (Bollywood as well as Hollywood; see creolization). Local products can be globally advertised via the World Wide Web, and newly agriculturalizing countries like Kenya can sell to Western supermarkets via global commodity chains, which have lowered the threshold of entry for smaller enterprises.
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Globalization, Sir Terry's fourth trend, is having a dramatic impact as China and now India seemed destined to transform not only the manufacture of goods for sale at retail but other aspects of the business, as well. "At Tesco, virtually all of our IT is now being written in India, and I think that this is just the beginning," he said.
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Globalization-from-below activists are ... intervening in sophisticated ways in national politics. When South Africa tried to pass a law allowing it to ignore drug patents during health emergencies, the Clinton Administration lobbied hard against it and put South Africa on a watch list that is the first step toward trade sanctions. But then Philadelphia ACT UP began hounding presidential candidate Al Gore on the issue. According to the New York Times, "The banners saying that Mr. Gore was letting Africans die to please American pharmaceutical companies left his campaign chagrined. After media and campaign staff looked into the matter, the Administration did an about-face" and, while certainly not doing enough to make AIDS drugs available, accepted African governments' circumvention of AIDS drug patents.
In her chapter, "Imperial Feelings: Youth Culture, Citizenship, and Globalization," cultural theorist Sunaina Maira explores the connections and disconnections between theories of globalization and the study of youth culture. Maira argues that there has been a strong "epistemological barricade" between these two areas of study, partially due to the traditional conceptions of youth as "inadequately formed adults." Following Appadurai’s lead, Maira articulates the concept of "youthscape" as a framework for an interdisciplinary approach to research on youth and globalization (see ... Maira and Soep, forthcoming). For Maira "youthscape" is "a site for local youth practices" that is "embedded within national and global forces." In her chapter she draws on recent field-based research with South Asian Muslim youth and their experiences with race and citizenship in the aftermath of September 11. Maira’s analysis unfolds in the context of an effort to examine the youths’ understandings and practices of "cultural citizenship," an aspect of the concept of youthscape she is attempting to develop. Maira discusses in detail two distinct types of cultural citizenship emerging from this site: "flexible citizenship," a national citizenship that youth construct through both transnational popular culture (from their countries of origin) and an emerging identity shaped by their work environments in the United States. For these youth, citizenship is "flexible, shifting, and contextual." The second type is what Maira terms "dissenting citizenship." These Muslim immigrant youth find themselves articulating a critique of U.S. race and ethnic relations in the aftermath of September 11, often raising their voices in the public sphere at a time when the Southeast Asian immigrant leadership chooses silence.
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