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Emile Durkheim: Elementary Forms
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An important critique of Durkheim's Elementary Forms. Stanner argues that the basic theoretical basis of Durkheim's book was developed in the decade of 1898-1907. "The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life was not the consummation of his thought: it was but antepenultimate" (p.227). On the other hand, Stanner believes that Talcott Parsons is mistaken in his contention that the ethnographic details of The Elementary Forms "are incidental to the general theoretical enquiry" (p.239). Durkheim's analysis of the Australian ethnographic data was framed as "a well-founded experiment" and the argument of the book stands or falls on an credible interpretation of that data. Stanner argues that Durkheim's reading of the ethnographic data is seriously flawed.
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In his 1893 work The Division of Labour in Society, Durkheim examined how social order was maintained in different types of societies. He focused on the division of labour, and examined how it differed in traditional societies and modern societies[1]. Authors before him such as Herbert Spencer or Otto von Gierke had argued that societies evolved much like living organisms, moving from a simple state to a more complex one resembling the workings of complex machines. Durkheim reversed this formula, adding his theory to the growing pool of theories of social progress, social evolutionism and social Darwinism. He argued that traditional societies were 'mechanical' and were held together by the fact that everyone was more or less the same, and hence had things in common. In traditional societies, argues Durkheim, the collective consciousness entirely subsumes individual consciousness—social norms are strong and social behavior is well-regulated.
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At about the time of his academic appointment to Bordeaux, Durkheim married the former Louise Dreyfus. They had two children, Marie and Andre, but very little is known of his family life. His wife seems to have devoted herself fully to his work. She followed the traditional Jewish family pattern of taking care of family affairs as well as assisting him in proofreading, secretarial duties, and the like. Thus, the scholar-husband could devote all his energies to his scholarly pursuits.
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When he turns to the particular sorts of ritual behaviour that developed in totemism, Durkheim distinguishes two types, the negative and the positive. Roughly speaking, the former were about things that were forbidden and the latter were about making things happen. The former provide Durkheim with more points to make about the sacred. This is not surprising, seeing that for him it is prohibitions that identify the sacred.
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This is a valuable collection of selections from Durkheim's writings. There is a lengthy introduction (pp.1-50) entitled "Durkheim's Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy." Chapter 11 includes selections grouped under the title of "Religion and Ritual" (pp.219-249). Several of the lengthy excerpts are from The Elementary Forms, but there are several from other sources. This book seems particularly useful as general compendium of Durkheim's work; Pickering's work is more useful for Durkheim's contributions to the study of religion.
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Durkheim next states that although Spencer is correct in claiming that contractual relationships are multiplied as society is divided up, he has failed to note that non-contractual relationships are developing at the same time (155). Durkheim argues that 'private law,' typically contractual, is really quite public. For instance, marriage and adoption, although private matters, were formerly endorsed by the church and are now endorsed by civil authority (155). As domestic obligations become more numerous, they tend to take on a private character.
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Elementary Forms